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Great Expectations\u27 Defeated?: The Trajectory of Collective Bargaining Regimes in Canada and the U.S. Post-NAFTA

机译:寄予厚望\ u27 ?:加拿大和美国《北美自由贸易协定》后的集体谈判制度的轨迹

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摘要

From the beginning of the free-trade era one contentious area has been the impact of trade liberalization on labor law. Opponents of NAFTA (and some supporters) predicted a regulatory race to the bottom (RTB) would ensue leading to increasingly deregulated labor markets. The result would be weaker collective bargaining laws, lower minimum standards, and a decline in the social wage. In recent years a number of scholars have examined the question in light of more than fifteen years experience under CUFTA and ten under NAFTA and there seems to be a growing consensus that, contrary to those \u27great expectations\u27, labor laws in North America have not been significantly weakened. In this article, I re-examine the effects of NAFTA on collective bargaining law in Canada and the United States. My contribution to the debates comes down to two points. On the one hand, I argue that the emerging consensus understates the impact of NAFTA-style trade liberalization on the legal regulation of collective bargaining because its focus is artificially narrow. In reaching their conclusions, \u27new consensus\u27 scholars have looked exclusively at changes in private sector collective bargaining legislation. I argue this produces a misleading picture of the impact of trade liberalization because it omits public sector collective bargaining and, even more importantly, it fails to consider the impact of trade liberalization on the effectiveness of statutory collective bargaining schemes. If the focus is broadened to include public sector bargaining and labor law\u27s effectiveness, then one finds there has been more labor market deregulation than consensus scholars acknowledge. On the other hand, I accept that, even after broadening our analytical lens, the downward trajectory of the collective bargaining regime has not been as steep as many RTB theorists predicted. I argue that the model upon which this prediction was based was overly structural and that a more nuanced one is needed. Such a model must better take into account a range of factors that mediate the impact of NAFTA-style trade liberalization on labor market regulation. These mediations occur at the economic level, within the collective bargaining regime itself, and in the external environment that shapes the direction of state action.
机译:从自由贸易时代开始,一个有争议的领域就是贸易自由化对劳动法的影响。北美自由贸易协定(NAFTA)的反对者(和一些支持者)预计,监管活动将达到最低谷(RTB),从而导致日益放松的劳动力市场管制。结果将是更弱的集体谈判法律,更低的最低标准以及社会工资的下降。近年来,许多学者根据在CUFTA下的15年经验和在NAFTA下的10年经验对这一问题进行了研究,并且似乎越来越多的共识是,与那些“大期望”相反,北美的劳动法已经没有明显减弱。在本文中,我将重新审视北美自由贸易协定对加拿大和美国的集体谈判法律的影响。我对辩论的贡献可分为两点。一方面,我认为正在形成的共识低估了NAFTA式的贸易自由化对集体谈判法律法规的影响,因为它的关注点是人为地缩小了。在达成结论时,“新共识”学者只研究了私营部门集体谈判立法的变化。我认为这产生了对贸易自由化影响的误解,因为它忽略了公共部门的集体谈判,更重要的是,它没有考虑贸易自由化对法定集体谈判计划的有效性的影响。如果将重点扩大到包括公共部门的讨价还价和劳动法的效力,那么人们就会发现,对劳动力市场的放松管制的数量超出了共识学者所承认的范围。另一方面,我接受,即使扩大了我们的分析范围,集体谈判制度的下降轨迹也没有许多RTB理论家所预测的那样陡峭。我认为,此预测所基于的模型过于结构化,因此需要更细微的预测。这种模型必须更好地考虑各种因素,这些因素可以调解NAFTA式的贸易自由化对劳动力市场监管的影响。这些调解发生在经济层面,集体谈判制度本身之内以及在塑造国家行动方向的外部环境中。

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    Tucker, Eric;

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